Coach Carter Essay

Coach Carter wasn’t your average coach. He was also a teacher and mentor for these young boys. He gave these boys a sense of hope in life that no one ever gave them. The book has sold over 3 million copies. The movie has made approximately 42 million dollars as a movie. Coach Carter novel and film both proved to be a huge hit all over the world, but most important to people who enjoy basketball and love the game. While I was reading the book you could clearly see that the movie and the book plots are relatively similar, but their are a few minor differences between the book and the movie. Although their quite similar Coach Carter movie and the Coach Carter book are pronounced. â€Å"Coach Carter† movie was an excellent representation of the book, but had a few modifications in order to clarify several concepts of the book which was written by Jasmine Jones. To interpret this idea, Coach Carter movie was altered so the viewers could understand the ideas that Jasmine Jones wrote, and also the viewers could understand the movie perspective side. This is where we see many difference arise. To illustrate this point, this book was written as a whole. What I mean by that it had a lot of first person narrative between the characters. (Coach Carter, Ken Carter, Kenyon Stone and the rest of the basketball team.) When watching the movie there are several voice overs over the characters in the movie. This is where their are different lines that fit with what the characters are saying, but there’s no way of showing it when you are reading the book. Although in the movie there are several types of voice overs the actions that the characters use to incorpor ate into the movie doesn’t really follow along the same lines with what they are saying in the book but has that general idea to it. This is clearly shown that you can’t see what the different type of actions or movement when you are reading the book. This leads to my next point, Mr.Carter was trying to teach the boys good values. Respect, discipline, responsibility and commitment. Their boys were great ball players but on the other hand was not keeping up in their own education. There are several cut scenes showing the basketball gym and seeing each individual player practicing or even a live game going on. The cut scenes that were incorporated in the movie were much different to the book the reason being  is that not only the book is followed the exact same way as the movie there are always minor differences. Although you can’t see it visually by reading it and understanding the settings between the book and movie there are major differences between the two. On the other hand, The Coach Carter Book and the Coach Carter movie similarities were unquestionable. â€Å"His own son which he has placed at St. Francis, who would rather go to Richmond High so he can play for his father (Coach Carter). This places a hard decision on Coach Carter and has a big affect on both him and his family. It creates arguments and some tension between father and son. Coach Carter being the main teacher in the film that is strict and formal, with some of his actions proving to have both good and bad results. His son did end up going to Richmond High school as the author states it in the book and which was shown in the movie. In the book and movie there were a lot of plots that corresponded with the book and movie. Coach Carter being the main character is set in Richmond, California in the USA. It focuses on an inner-city public school called Richmond High, which is in a very low-like status and has a reputation for not having many students go off to college. Most of the scenes were based of this high school and most importantly took place in this area and high school. The detail in the movie was outstanding to be more specific the detail the court had, it had that shine to the court to make it more authentic and the area that they it was located. But most importantly the characters that took place in the book and movie. Although you can’t visualize the looking of the characters by understanding the detail the author has said you can really see the similarities. In the book and movie there was a lot of school failure. In terms of not meeting the requirement, on average each player who played with Richmond high school their average was a 2.3 gpa. Mr Carter (The Coach) wanted a 3.5 gpa. This grade level had to be reached or if not he would close down the gym and stop them from playing basketball. Summing up, Coach Carter book and movie was outstanding. Their similarities between the two were striking. The movie incorporated the majority of the book but did not follow the same exact lines as the book. The movie didn’t want to express the same story as the book that’s were the differences  really played a good role to determine the similarities and differences. It is evident that the Coach Carter book and the Coach Carter movie had much more similarities than differences between the two.

Introduction for “Piaget †Stages of cognitive development” Essay

Swiss Psychologist Jean Piaget (1896-1980) proposed the idea of the four stages of childhood cognitive development. These are age-related stages and refer to certain accomplishments that should be achieved, by the child, at the end of each stage. The first stage of cognitive development is the Sensorimotor stage, which lasts from birth to around two years of age. During this stage, children learn to coordinate their senses (hearing, sight, touch etc.) with their motor abilities. From two to seven years is the Pre-operational stage. Children of this age become capable of more sophisticated thinking. The Concrete operational stage lasts from about seven years of age to about twelve. These children put together what they have already learnt, with knowledge gained from new experiences. The final stage of cognitive development identified by Piaget, is the Formal operational stage. This lasts from twelve years of age onwards. People in this stage are capable of more complex thought processes. During the Concrete operational stage (7 to 12 years), children should develop an understanding of the principle of conservation. Conservation refers to the idea that if an object alters its shape or appearance, its volume, mass, length or area will not change. A child with an understanding of conservation should be able to think logically and see that these qualities have not changed, even if they appear to have done so. Achievement of conservation of mass can be demonstrated with two small balls of plasticine. A child is shown the plasticine and agrees that the balls are the same size. One of the balls is then squashed down. A pre-concrete operational child will probably decide that the ‘squashed’ ball is bigger, while a child at the Concrete operational stage should acknowledge that they are still the same weight or mass. This illustrates the ability of the child to understand how the object has changed, not only see the beginning and end result.

Business Law Essay Example for Free (#13)

Business Law Essay Contract (329) , Business law (49) company About StudyMoose Contact Careers Help Center Donate a Paper Legal Terms & Conditions Privacy Policy Complaints An agreement must contain four essential ingredients to be regarded as a contract. These four elements are offer, acceptance, Intention of legal consequences, and consideration. If any one of them is missing, the agreement will not be legally binding. An offer is defined as the manifestation of the â€Å"willingness to enter into a bargain so made as to justify another person in understanding that his assent to the bargain is invited and will conclude it. † There must be a definite, clearly stated offer to do something. An offer does not include ball park estimates, requests for proposals, expressions of interest, or letters of intent. An offer will lapse when the time for acceptance expires, if the offer is withdrawn before it is accepted, or after a reasonable time in the circumstances (generally the greater the value of the contract, the longer the life of the offer). Only what is offered can be accepted. This means that the offer must be accepted exactly as offered without conditions. If any new terms are suggested this is regarded as a counter offer which can be accepted or rejected. There can be many offers and counter offers before there is an agreement. It is not important who makes the final offer, it is the acceptance of that offer that brings the negotiations to an end by establishing the terms and conditions of the contract. Acceptance can be given verbally, in writing, or inferred by action which clearly indicates acceptance (performance of the contract). In any case, the acceptance must conform to the method prescribed by the offerer for it to be effective. A contract requires that the parties intend to enter into a legally binding agreement. That is, the parties entering into the contract must intend to create legal relations and must understand that the agreement can be enforced by law. The intention to create legal relations is presumed, so the contract doesn’t have to expressly state that you understand and intend legal consequences to follow. If the parties to a contract decide not to be legally bound, this must be clearly stated in the contract for it not to be legally enforceable. In order for a contract to be binding it must be supported by valuable consideration. Consideration consists of either a benefit to the promisor or a detriment to the promisee. That is to say, one party promises to do something in return for a promise from the other party to provide a benefit of value (the consideration). Consideration is what each party gives to the other as the agreed price for the other’s promises. Usually the consideration is the payment of money but it need not be; it can be anything of value including the promise not to do something, or to refrain from exercising some right. The payment doesn’t need to be a fair payment. The courts will not intervene where one party has made a hard bargain unless fraud, duress or unconscionable conduct is involved. When there is a breach of contract, an unexcused failure to perform, the other party is usually given damages, rather than specific performance. The rules of damages vary, but are usually intended to make the injured party whole. A party who was supposed to be paid something for that party’s performance gets the amount of the payment due, if the performance has been rendered. A party who was supposed to get something of value sometimes gets the difference between the price agreed and the market price. Or, if the party has already paid the paying party sometimes gets the money back. Business Law. (2016, Dec 28). We have essays on the following topics that may be of interest to you

Demand Forecasting Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Demand Forecasting - Essay Example Forecasting and modeling prices in the building construction market are vital for associating construction data in resource application, analysis and cost management, as the construction prices variation could influence the decisions made by construction investors, property managers, construction clients, developers and financial institutions. More essentially, the capability of forecasting construction prices sequences and trends can lead to bids that are more exact and can evade overestimations or underestimations in building construction projects. According to Jiang, Xu and Liu (2013), the price fluctuation comes because of the deviations and variances of market factors in the supply and demand of construction works. Variances in prices for building and construction materials are not only affected by the changes of condition in the market but also influenced by other elements, for instance, global special events, and government policies. The authors note special events such as 199 7 Asian economic crunch and the outbreak of the swine flu influenced prices and demand in Singapore and Hong Kong (Jiang, Xu, & Liu, 2013). Turkeys, Forecasting and Supply Chain Risk Management Steve Banker, the author, introduces a narrative about Gob, a hypothetical self-educated turkey. The article explains that the turkey had a strong penchant for statistics, and, therefore, he took note of the rations of the grain the farmer was feeding him, as he grew bigger. He reckons that the meals got bigger as time passed.

Business Simulation Game (Individual Report) Essay

Business Simulation Game (Individual Report) - Essay Example ment of a foot-wear company operating in Europe-Africa, Latin America, Asia-Pacific and North America and the strategic decisions that the virtual company has made from its Year 10 to Year 15 of operation. The company operates in four different geographical areas; Europe-Africa, Latin America, Asia-Pacific and North America. This means the company operates in different political atmospheres. It thus has to deal with the problems and challenges of political ambiguities and turbulence. In order to create a political environment that is amenable to our business, we have pursued political risk management strategies. We have taken advantage of the growing global awareness and entered into the global market. As globalization leads to more business opportunities for our company, we have to change the roles of the business game and strategize accordingly with the changing dynamics. We appreciate that different organizational players and settings shape our business opportunities through different public policy processes in the locales that host our operations. Before settling on any particular strategy to take control of the political uncertainty, our company further considered the High Involvement Strategy. This involved contemplating the possibility of expending great resources and developing a more elaborate strategy. The strategy would be geared towards effecting the political environment in ways that would yield maximum returns to our efforts. Using this strategy, the company did not abandon the idea of networking with other similar-minded firms. Instead of coalition with like-minded firms to gain scale, the strategy would be for diverse parties to gain scope. All companies, organizations and agencies are potential members of the High Involvement Strategy. The strategy would include networking of regional, local, national, political, economic and social actors. Through frequent communication and contact, the network behaves like an information-gathering device that

Symbolic interactionism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Symbolic interactionism - Essay Example Based on the relationship between the individual and the society, symbolic interactionism brings the issue of coordinated management of meaning. Individuals in a communication process tend to construct social realities of the world they create to shape them. The definition and management of meaning to reflect reality is a two-way process that is enhanced by effective communication. The things that individuals say matter because they are a reflection of their thoughts and implications of reality. Symbolic interactionism succeeds in the social perspective when people cease to violate the interpersonal expectations of other people and work towards conformity. Even when the definition of social interactionism was being made, the modern ways and theories of communication were still in place. Only those philosophers had not identified them, or none had talked about them openly. For instance, the theory of social penetration applies all the time in the communication process, whether or not the communicators are aware of the existence of the theory. At the same time, in order to socialize and interact in a healthy manner, symbolic interactionism only reflects the reality it claims to symbolize when there is a reduction of uncertainty in the socialization process and pathway. It is through the reduction of uncertainty that people can socialize and share experiences that are foundations for the formation of friendship. In any social perspective, there must be contradictions and understandings between people based on their symbolic understanding of reality, as coined by the philosopher and his students. Although people believe that they have the right to control and make their information confidential, social interactions require sharing of information and ideas as one of the primary ways of the development of friendship. The continuous aspect of communication and

Cloud Computing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 5

Cloud Computing - Essay Example Cloud computing has the aim of hiding the intricacy of IT infrastructure administration from its users (Bahga & Madisetti, 2014). Simultaneously, the cloud computing platforms offer enormous scalability, 99.999% dependability, and high performance, along with configurability that can be specified. These capabilities are given at relatively low costs when compared to devoted infrastructures (Erl, Puttini & Mahmood, 2013). I present an impression of Eveready’s cloud services as well as pricing to be employed in the calculations. Eveready has two appropriate cloud computing services. Foremost, Eveready gives the Elastic Computing Cloud service. This platform charges every hour a running instance, and it provides examples with diverse compute power as well as memory (Bahga & Madisetti, 2014). This application meets the criteria for an excellent application in this course. To begin with, I am interested in the application. As an IT manager, I realize that the cloud computing was maybe the single most significant finding this century in my field. As a man database administrator, I am as well intensely interested in the challenges and successes faced by other men scientists. Second, in juxtaposition with EC2, Eveready will provide the Elastic Block Store (EBS) service. This service gives reliable and unrelenting storage with a high IO performance. EBS rates per GB of storage as well as for each million IO transactions. Eveready will also offer the Simple Storage Service (S3). This is a service to provide access via web services to unrelenting data kept in buckets (one-level of directories) together with meta-data (key/value pairs). S3 rates per GB of storage as well as HTTP requests relating to it. Persistent FS will offer a POSIX-compliant file system by means of S3 and is debatably less costly than EBS for largely

What skills and knowledge do creative entrepreneurs require in the Essay

What skills and knowledge do creative entrepreneurs require in the contemporary creative economy - Essay Example lls, quite valuable in the fashion industry, seem to be self-motivation, business-management, cooperation, understanding of cultural heritage and risk-taking. These skills are analyzed below, as involved in entrepreneurial efforts made in the fashion industry. My personal experience in the fashion industry is also explained at the level that it will help me to realize my creative practitioner career development plan; indeed, after finishing my degree, I’m planning to start my own fashion magazine. My experience in the fashion industry, as analyzed below, will help me to develop this plan successfully avoiding risks and failures, as possible. The paper aims to show that the effective involvement of entrepreneurs in the fashion industry is closely related not just to their personal skills and experience but also to their ability to respond to the needs of creative entrepreneurship, which is highly developed in the fashion industry. As already noted above, the characteristics of entrepreneurship are likely to be differentiated in each industrial sector. For example, in creative industries, emphasis is given on the ‘social culture of entrepreneurship’ (Henry and De Bruin 2011, p.30). From this point of view, the success of an individual as an entrepreneur in creative industries is depended on his ability to communicate and cooperate in order to promote a particular creative project. In other words, in the context of the Creative Economy, entrepreneurship can be considered as similar to socialization. The relationship between entrepreneurship and the Creative Economy can be understood by referring to the characteristics of entrepreneurship. According to Curran and Stanworth an effective definition of entrepreneurship would be the following one: ‘entrepreneurship is the process of creating a new economic entity centred on a novel product or service’ (Curran and Stanworth 1989, p.12, cited by Araya 2010, p.104). The above definition introduces another

Decision Making using Critical Thinking Techniques Part 3 Essay

Decision Making using Critical Thinking Techniques Part 3 - Essay Example In the establishment of a store, an even greater amount will be needed to execute the plan. Another company resource that will affect the implementation of the decisions chosen is the human resources. People are needed to put into action the health program for coffee farmers. People need to be hired to handle the operations of new stores. Aside from the company resources, another factor which will affect the decision implementation are the laws and regulations of Kava. Initiating a health program for coffee farmers might require some permits from the government. Furthermore, it would be better if the program is done in coordination with government agencies. In the case of the putting of new branches in Kava, the company will have to get business permits and the other requirements needed to do business in Kava. The geographical, economic, cultural and political aspects have some influence too in the strategy implementation. Being disaster prone, the health program envisioned by the company will be affected by diseases that are brought about by calamities. The company should then be prepared for this. The decision to put a store is also affected by the geography of Kava. They should know which parts of Kava are typhoon belts and earthquake prone areas. The diverse culture of Kava plays an important role in the decision implementation. It is possible that some coffee farmers still stick to traditional tribal healing practices; thus, may not welcome the idea of having health assistance from Western medicine. The culture will also determine the product offerings of the store. The economic and political situation of Kava will influence the strategies to be implemented in relation to the decisions to develop a health program and to increase the company’s branches. The economy will dictate the purchasing power of the Kava people. The peace and order situation will also affect the amount of investment which the company will

Ancient Art Forms Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Ancient Art Forms - Essay Example From the Louvre museum I will look at the Stele of a master craftsman. The stele is made out of limestone. It was found in a place called Abydos where many Egyptians went for pilgrimage. The stele has fifteen lines of hieroglyphic text covering its body. It symbolizes the Egyptian ritual of pilgrimage. There are religious images below the text that symbolize the Egyptian practice of making offerings to their gods and goddesses. In the same museum we have the ‘Spoon in the form of a bound ibex†. It is curved out of tamarisk wood. It is a spoon with an animal body sculpture. The animal body represented is a Nubian Ibex which is a desert animal. It represents the Egyptian Environment which is primarily a desert and the Egyptian culture of being animal hunters. Finally I will highlight works from the Smithsonian Institution Freer Gallery and Sackler Gallery. First I look at A Journey to Xiangtangshan. This is a stone sculpture carved into the mountains in northern China. They represent a moment of glory of the Qi (â€Å"Chee†) dynasty as they were curved to mark the achievements of the dynasty. The mountains are covered with limestone and as a result the sculpture was curved out of limestone. Finally from the same institution, I go through the â€Å"Fresco†. It is a rock painting found in the Ajanta caves in India. It represents the way of life at the time of the people in India, their belief and cultural practices. Starting with the metropolitan museum I will look at the Statuette of an African also known as Ethiopian.

How to meet the learning needs of mixed age groups in the home-based setting Essay Example for Free

How to meet the learning needs of mixed age groups in the home-based setting Essay One of the biggest advantages of mixed age groups is that they make us really analyse the individual needs, interests, and temperaments of each child in the group. We can then plan and provide for the next steps in learning, by getting to know our group of children very well, and making careful observations on them, as individuals, what they do and how they interact with others. This knowledge can then be mapped to the EYFS Practice Guidance over the six areas of Learning and Development and used to devise individual learning plans by assessing activities, opportunities and experiences based on their individual development, interests and needs. Careful planning and organisation are critical factors in meeting the learning needs of different age groups. Each play area, including outside, must provide the maximum of learning opportunities for all ages in your care, using barriers e.g. gates and big cushions only where needed for safety so that infants and toddlers feel included whenever possible. A good idea is to go through the house looking at the room from the child’s level. What would the baby see first, what would the toddler or pre-schooler see first? What appeals to the school-age child? You can create small play areas for special activities, e.g. using a sturdy playpen or hallway as an office for older children when they want to colour, do a puzzle, play a board game or do something without help from toddlers. The little ones can then watch without interfering with the activity. A range of open-ended multiple-use resources should be used, that can be played with in different ways according to stage, such as balls and bricks and Lego. Toys that are safe for children of all ages can be kept on low shelves easily accessible, e.g. blocks, board books, dressing-up clothes,  dolls, stuffed animals, materials to play house, and a collection of heuristic play items (plastic containers, measuring spoons, funnels, etc.), which should be changed round frequently. It is possible to use the same activity to support the learning of mixed age groups, with modifications. This is differentiating the curriculum, by extending or adapting the original play into more specific areas of learning, as per the aims and targets set for each child. For example, younger children can handle gloopy paint to explore colour and texture, while older children use the same paint materials to express their feelings and ideas. Each child does the bit of the activity that he is ready and keen to do. If one child in the group is using a schema e.g. ‘Enveloping’, this can be used as the basis of a plan for the whole group e.g. to make a den, dress up or wrap up some ‘presents’. It is important to set up these activities for shared learning, as children develop socially when they have opportunities to observe and play with those who will play differently due to being older or younger. Being at different stages of their learning journey should mean that all will be able to share other viewpoints and richer experiences. This will help them be co-operative, and for the group to ‘gel’. NEC 733.000 08/516573 Ruth Dickerson The older members of the group can help to meet the younger ones’ learning needs, e.g. by ‘communicating’ pulling faces with babies, reading to preschoolers, putting on a play or a puppet show, or teaching a board game. They do often enjoy being valued for their input, but their help should be volunteered, not relied on, and they should have lots of opportunities away from the babies, since being your ‘assistant’ can be a way for older children to avoid their own age group, and a way to escape peer conflicts. Unplanned opportunities are also very useful as they can often spark off the kind of conversations and reminiscences about other experiences, and sharing of ideas, that just wouldn’t have happened unless that event had occurred.  They encourage communication and social skills which the smaller ones can pick up on and everyone can share. We can also help children to think about ways to include each other in their play, e.g. if the older children are playing house you could ask As you are the daddy, could you read Tom and me a book? (710)

Woman Hollering Creek - Short story Essay Example for Free

Woman Hollering Creek Short story Essay Woman Hollering Creek and Other Stories is a book of short stories published in 1991 by San Antonio-based Mexican-American writer Sandra Cisneros. The collection reflects Cisneross experience of being surrounded by American influences while still being familially bound to her Mexican heritage as she grew-up north of the Mexico-US border. Woman Hollering Creek and Other Stories These tales focus on the social role of women, and their relationships with the men and other women in their lives. The majority of the characters are stereotypes: men embody machismo while women are naà ¯ve and generally weak. Cisneros focuses on three feminine clichà ©s: the passive virgin, sinful seductress, and traitorous mother.[1] Not properly belonging to either Mexico or America, the Chicana protagonists earnestly search for their identity, only to discover abuse and shattered dreams. Apart from focusing on these issues of struggling females, Cisneros simultaneously develops the readers sensitivity towards the lives of immigrants. First edition cover Author The vignettes are quite short on average; the longest is 29 pages, while the shortest is fewer than five paragraphs. Despite such limited space, Cisneros experiments with daring poetic prose in her storytelling; for example, each story presents a new character with a distinct literary voice and style. Such writing has earned her the title of an accomplished Chicana poet, with the added credentials of her published books of poetry My Wicked Wicked Ways (1987) and Loose Woman (1994).[2]

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal

Wal-Mart is a Menace to Society Essay example -- Argumentative Persuas

"Paying your employees well is not only the right thing to do but it makes for good business." -- Jim Sinegal, CEO, Costco Throughout the history of America, there have been many businesses that come and go. Success is not guaranteed to everyone. But in the case of Sam Walton, it was different. Sam Walton was the founder the most controversial supermarket chain in existence: Wal-Mart. From the buyer's perspective, Wal-Mart is just a generous business chain which has extremely low prices. But upon closer inspection, the wickedness of Wal-Mart and the company practices become apparent. I think Wal-Mart has a negative impact on society. Wal-Mart mistreats employees, follows unfair business practices, and hurts small businesses. First, Wal-Mart mistreats their employees. Wal-Mart is known to have the lowest prices out of any other store. A consumer never realizes how Wal-Mart manages to have such low prices. One may think that Wal-Mart goes into a loss for the sake of their customers, but I beg to differ. Wal-Mart buys all of their products from other countries. They have warehouses and production plants in other poor countries such as China. These warehouses are often referred to as "sweatshops", often due to the terrible conditions that the workers have to bare. This saves a lot of money when it comes to wages, since countries like China have no minimum wage laws. The workers range from every age possible. It would be hard making a living when a person only gets paid a dime a day. Also, Wal-Mart does not have to provide benefits or insurance to any of these out-of-country workers. If Wal-Mart was such a great company as people think it was, they should instead make production plants over in the United S tates. Havin... ...ety and has a negative impact on everyone. Mistreating employees, unfair business practices, and hurting small businesses are just some of the vicious activities that Wal-Mart participates in.Wal-Mart is not a business, but a tyrant. This tyrant must be stopped before it is too late. Wal-Mart may have started out with good intentions, but it is not that way anymore. Now they are just another company who cares about their money rather than worrying about customers, employees, and society itself. Wal-Mart will learn its lesson, even if it is at the expense of others. Works Cited De Coster, Karen., and Brad Edmonds. "The Case for Wal-Mart." Kirszner and Mandell 631-36. Kirszner, Laurie G., and Stephen R. Mandell, eds. Patterns for College Writing: A Rhetorical Reader and Guide. 11th ed. Ed. Laurie G. Kirszner and Stephen R. Mandell. New York: Bedford, 2010.

A Comparison of Pride in King Lear and The Duchess of Malfi Essay

The Sin of Pride Exposed in King Lear, and The Duchess of Malfi  Ã‚   In this brief monograph, we shall be hunting down and examining various creatures from the bestiary of Medieval/Renaissance thought. Among these are the fierce lion of imperious, egotistical power, a pair of fantastic peacocks, one of vanity, one of preening social status, and the docile lamb of humility. The lion and the peacocks are of the species known as pride, while the lamb is of an entirely different, in fact antithetical race, that of humility and forgiveness. The textual regions we shall be exploring include the diverse expanses, from palace to heath, of William Shakespeare, the dark, sinister Italy of John Webster, and the perfumed lady's chambers of Ben Jonson and Robert Herrick. The tragic hero of Shakespeare's King Lear is brought down, like all tragic heroes, by one fatal flaw, in this case pride, as well as pride's sister, folly. It is the King's egotistical demand for total love and, what's more, protestations of such from the daughter who loves him most, that set the stage for his downfall, as well as calling to the minds of the Elizabethan audience of Shakespeare's day the above-cited biblical edict. This daughter, Cordelia, can be seen as the humble lamb mentioned earlier, and her love and filial devotion go not only beyond that of her sisters (which is nil) but beyond words, thus enraging the proud king whose subsequent petulant rebukes extend to a bit of ironic Freudian projection: "Let pride, which she calls plainness, marry her" (I.i.125). Here, Shakespeare is emphasizing Lear's pride by having him indulge in the common tendency of despising in others (and in this case wrongly) what one is most guilty of oneself. Lear's rash pride ... ...in which it is supposed to have been written for a certain Lady Haughty, a name indicative of not a little touch of pride, pardon my litotes. So, to sum up, we have captured, examined, and tagged our various creatures of pride, and it is now time to set them free once more, to run wild over the four corners of the earth. The lions will devour all in their path with arrogant derision; the peacocks will peck and claw at one another as they jockey for position in their petty social circles, all the while pouting and preening, painting feathers on their feathers; and the lambs will go on being slaughtered in their docility, uttering never a scornful word, so that we may have lamb chops with mint jelly at Ruth's Chris with our beautiful, precisely made-up girl friends. "Pride goeth before destruction, and an haughty spirit before a fall." Proverbs 16:18   

LBJs Great Society Essay -- Lyndon B. Johnson LBJ American Politics

When Lyndon B. Johnson succeeded the presidency after John F. Kennedy's assassination he spoke of his vision of a Great Society in America. This Great Society included "an end to poverty and racial injustice," and also was intended to turn America into a place where kids can enhance their mind, broaden their talents, and people could restore their connection with the environment. In order to reach his goal, LBJ enacted numerous proposals involving taxes, civil rights, poverty, and much more. For the most part Johnson did an excellent job on delivering his promises, but international affairs threatened the Great Society and although LBJ won the presidency in a landslide victory in 1964, by 1966 he and the Supreme Court began to face serious criticism. The one of the first passed in 1964 was the Tax Reduction Act which cut by about $10 billion the taxes mainly paid by conglomerates and well-to-do. Another major characteristic of the Great Society was civil rights. In 1964 the Civil Rights Act barred discrimination in public places, any federally aided program, and most employment. ...